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Since 2005, Bulging Gov’t Getting Too Heavy

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 

The year 2005 was a big milestone for Ethiopian politics, most analysts agree.

For the very first time in history, there were open political debates between the governing party and its opposition counterparts, there were peaceful public rallies with millions of participants staged in Addis Abeba and major regional cities (both for and against the governing party), and the public media gave considerable coverage to opposition political parties.

For the first time, a strong contending party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), appeared to challenge the governing party. Beyond all this, though, for the first time, voters in Ethiopia showed the world that they understood that democracy was not something to import or buy from other countries but, rather, an internal process. Contrary to these developments, however, the year also changed the Ethiopian political platform for the worse.

The Ethiopian state has grown bigger since 2005, in response to the public disappointment reflected after the election results were announced. The opposition camp has self-destructed for its lack of a long-term vision, internal democracy, and thoughtful deliberation, aside conflicts of factional interests.

The public has lost confidence in the various institutions of the state and the overall political structure of the country. Neither the governing party nor the opposition has been able to preferentially prioritise public interests over political ideologies.

Sadly, hundreds died and considerable economic destruction was caused by the postelection unrest of 2005. What happened after that was well documented in the sensational and all too personal views publicised through the books of many individuals who were actors during the events on different levels.

Though the ramifications of the 2005 elections are still with Ethiopians, including some problems that seemingly transcend temporal boundaries, one result seems to be gaining momentum with each passing day: the enlargement and expansion of the Ethiopian state.

Despite the fact that the two phases of decentralisation have taken the government somewhat closer to the people, its size is increasingly marred with colossal inefficiencies, inexperienced bureaucracy, significant operational malpractice, an immeasurable lack of transparency, and contagious systemic corruption.

“While the government is made to serve the people, here we are serving a government,” some say, making fun of the fact that the Ethiopian state is so disproportionately large compared to the private sector. The highly hierarchical structure of the government has caused a disconnection between responsibility and accountability, where the voiceless poor are left with no option but to live in a quandary of helplessness.

The sheer size of the state would have been no problem if it were not coupled with inexperienced bureaucracy and a gap between planning and implementation capacities. Added up, these have all created an inefficient system where the quality of the provision of services is suboptimal and accountability is almost nonexistent.

Since the pivotal election of 2005, the recurrent budget of the Ethiopian government has been increasing constantly. Meanwhile, the parliamentary debates on the federal government’s budget have been limited to the portion allocated to the Ethiopian Defence Forces and other institutions. There has been no deliberation on the growing size of the government, implied in the recurrent budget allocated for new institutions and prevailing ones.

The number of rural weredas has been rising, to the extent that the total number of weredas existing in the country at any given time cannot accurately be recounted by most people. With the constant formation and restructuring of institutions, the government has remained the biggest employer.

In every dimension of life in this poor land, the government prevails as an overpowering Godzilla in control.

The poor knowledge-sharing system in the government has left the bureaucracy too inexperienced. Political loyalty being taken as the most important criteria, merit has been cast aside.

In addition to the extremely hierarchical decision-making structure of the government, public disenfranchisement is growing each day. Both are, however, at odds with the founding principles of democratic developmental states, which the incumbent repeatedly says it is building.

What has made things more complicated is the low participation that the public has in the planning and implementation of local development activities.

No unit of government is accountable to ensure community participation in the local government tiers. With all the holes in the accountability structure of local governments, inefficiency is rampant. Thus, there is always a disconnection between planned activities and achievements, which is mostly attributed to insufficient implementation capacity.

Why a government unit would plan beyond its means is still the million dollar question. It seems that tension still remains between the quota based socialist planning mentality of pre-1991 Ethiopia and the capitalist based mentality of planning within one’s means adopted after 1991.

Mindful of the fact that a responsible government is key to economic development, no one would question its importance. Leaving the century old big government versus small government debate aside, one would expect a responsible government to strive to stay efficient, give priority to merit, balance revenues against public spending, try to do more tasks with less people, and, as a hallmark, flatten its decision-making structure to get closer to the people.

Is the state in Ethiopia responsible enough to do all this after the much praised reforms, such as the introduction of business process reengineering (BPR)?

Life under big government is distressing as there are more bureaucrats than entrepreneurs. Both birth and death are put under the will of a bureaucrat. Corruption is pervasive while inefficiency is a culture.

And so it has become in this poor land since 2005.

Ironically, though, even the darlings of government do not pray for a “Big Brother.”

 

By Getachew T. Alemu

Getachew T. Alemu works at the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED). He can be reached at getdem2006@yahoo.com.

 
 
 
   
   
   
 
 
 

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