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Grandiosity is noticeably an American phenomenon. Cars, houses, roads,
and even burgers are hefty in the land of
Uncle Sam.
In the global competition for power, the United States (US) is marked
by its leading military capability and
expenditure. Yet, the lavishness of
Americanism are fading away with the rise of
the rest. Not that the rise has brought new
measures of power, but the rest is becoming
Americanised.
EPRDFites have exposed their Americanised valour with a plan to build
the largest dam ever on Abay River, dubbed
the Great Millennium Dam. The dam is
projected to generate 5,250MW of power,
while it is estimated to cost 78 billion Br.
To be built in Guba village of Benishangul
Gumuz Regional State, 17km from the Sudanese
border, it is projected to hold 63 billion
cubic metres of water.
The dam is serving as symbol for the patriotic spirit of Ethiopians.
While Egypt and Sudan were sharing the cake,
Ethiopians were gnashing their teeth of
their disadvantaged position. With the dams
plan disclosed, patriotism regained its
height. Ethiopians from all walks of life
are supporting the construction of the dam,
not only for its developmental implications
but also for its symbolic nature.
As cash strapped as the Revolutionary Democrats are, partially as a
result of insistent Egyptian lobbying, they
have introduced government bonds with a
5.5pc interest rate and a maturity date of
five years to raise 11 billion Br of the
total cost. The Ethiopian nationalist
string has successfully been pulled, and
people are lining up to buy the bonds. Most
of the otherwise passive opposition are also
supporting the project, albeit sceptically.
Egyptians are worried about the plan, if not the aggression of
EPRDFites. The post-Mubarak government has
embarked on extensive diplomatic efforts,
regionally and internationally, to block the
construction of the dam.
The arrival of Mohamoud Abu Zied, former minister of Irrigation, and 25
other eminent Egyptians in Enttebie, Uganda,
where the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) is
headquartered, on March 28, 2011, was a
showcase for this attitude. Anxious
Egyptians have also asked for the technical
and environmental feasibility study of the
dam. Yet, the Revolutionary Democrats have
dashed the enquiry.
Dina Mufti, spokesperson for the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(MoFA), has even said that Ethiopia would
not be dealing with Egypt on bilateral
terms, as the modus operandi has changed,
making the Comprehensive Framework Agreement
(CFA) the only channel to approach over
questions on the development of Nile water.
The stand was reaffirmed by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in his
eight-month report to Parliament on Tuesday,
April 5, 2011.
Constructing mega dams is a rare phenomenon, globally. The largest dam
in the world, which holds over 39 million
cubic metres of water and generates
22,500MW, is located in China. The dam cost
more than 26 billion dollars to construct.
Other dams of comparable size are Itaipu,
Boliver, and Tucurui dams located in
Paraguay, Venezuela, and Brazil,
respectively. They generate 14,000MW,
10,200MW, and 7,960MW of power, in that
order.
By contrast, the largest dam in Africa, Lower Usuma, is located in
Nigeria. The dam has the capacity to hold
93,000 cubic metres of water. Katse Dam in
Lesotho and Morome Dam in Sudan are other
African dams of comparable size and power
generation capacity, with the generating
potential of 1,500MW and 2,500MW,
respectively.
Ethiopia has 10 hydroelectricity projects
with a total power generation capacity of
1,832MW. The largest operational plant is
Tana Beles Integrated Project, which
produces 460MW. With a generation capacity
of 420MW and 300MW, Gibe II and Tekeze dams
are the country’s other mega power plants.
Yet, none would compete with the Millennium Dam, which will be
producing 286pc of the combined power
generated by the existing hydroelectric
power plants.
In a country with electricity coverage of 41pc, planning mega power
projects is celebrated. The EPRDFites know
that infrastructure is the silver bullet for
both economic and social development.
Besides, they realise it is a sustaining
political card to bet on during electoral
challenges. As a result, pulling the string
of Ethiopian patriotism to accelerate
infrastructure expansion has become their
new mantra.
The construction of the dam forms part of the plan to elevate the
hydroelectric power generation capacity of
the country from 1,832MW to 8,000MW by 2015.
However, in comparison with the national
potential of 45,000MW, the achievement is
negligible.
As this endeavour will open the window of electricity usage for an
additional 34pc of Ethiopians, it is a move
in the right direction. Undoubtedly, such an
increment would mean a lot for the 38.7pc of
Ethiopians who live in absolute poverty,
earning one dollar per day.
Public fear that conflict might arise between Egypt and Ethiopia has
been excited. Mona Omar, assistant foreign
minister of African Affairs for Egypt,
seemed to affirm the doomsday prophecy by
saying that all options are on the table.
Noting that Egypt has the 26th biggest
economy in the world with a GDP of 500
billion dollars, and one of the biggest
armies in the world with an active personnel
of 448,000 and military expenditure of 2.8pc
of GDP, the threat might not be simple
rhetoric.
Ethiopia has an 80 billion dollar economy with a per capita GDP of 900
dollars in purchasing power parity (PPP)
terms, according to Economy Watch. However,
with 352,000 active armed personnel and
military expenditure amounting to 3.1pc of
GDP, the Ethiopian side would not be an easy
target.
However, outweighing the doomsayers is the rising optimism that a
win-win solution will be found. In laying
the foundation stone of the grand dam, Meles
affirmed that his country would always be
seeking the best solution to guarantee this
scenario for upper and lower riparian
countries.
Some moderate officials on the Egyptian side have also emphasised
dialogue, negotiation, and bilateral
relations over conflict. So uncertain is the
road ahead that it would be premature to
make conclusions.
Despite the ongoing rattling on the foreign policy and internal
political fronts of both countries, much
confusion surrounds the grand plan.
Financing is the headache for the Ethiopian government. With the cost
of the dam being almost equal to the annual
federal budget for this fiscal year, it
would be very challenging to generate the
funds through conventional means.
Soliciting foreign exchange, which comprises
over 50pc of the projected cost, will no
doubt be a daunting challenge.
Veering off the road of conservative monetary policy, the government
has introduced bonds. Yet, in the absence of
a secondary market to support the effective
trading of bonds and securities, buying
these is not an attractive investment for
big buyers like businesspeople, companies,
public enterprises, and NGOs.
Nonetheless, the absence of a modern money market did not deter fired
up Ethiopians from lining up to buy the
bonds.
Although the EPRDFites might exploit the spirit of patriotism, it would
not give them unlimited financial space.
With backlogs of resentment, contributions
from the Ethiopian Diaspora might not be as
large as expected. For an economy witnessing
an annual budget deficit of 12.7 billion Br
and an overall inflation rate of 10.1pc,
execution of such a huge project would add
pain to the macroeconomic turmoil.
The aggressive demand of the government for financing might also crowd
out businesses as it can use its legislative
power to twist the hands of domestic
financial institutions. Such prospects are
already on the horizon, after the regulators
at the central bank ordered all private
banks to spend their savings on buying
bonds.
In light of the challenges ahead, the Revolutionary Democrats could
embark on a two-pronged effort. On the one
hand, they should initiate an extensive
diplomatic effort, both under the CFA
framework and bilaterally, to persuade Egypt
to its cause. Avoiding their nationalist
belligerence, they should play the
give-and-take game.
Egyptians should repay this in kind because there is no evidence to
prove their interest could be harmed by the
dam. The dam could turn into a reason for
cooperation as it could spare Sudan from
recurrent floods and sedimentation, while
Egypt could gain a lot from its loss of
millions of cubic metres of water to
evaporation at Lake Aswan.
Provided that there is political goodwill in all the countries of the
basin, a consensus within the NBI would have
the chance to materialise. There is an
established consensus among these countries
that Ethiopia has a comparative advantage in
building dams while Sudan’s lies in its
ability to develop tens of thousands of
hectares of irrigated land. Egypt can chip
in with its money and technical know-how to
help a regional economic bloc emerge.
On the other hand, the EPRDFites could explore innovative financing
arrangements ranging from venture financing
to partial privatisation and project
unbundling to ease the burden on the
economy. As the stakes are high, issues
beyond the grandiosity of the dam, such as
the national debt that is more than it
appears to be, should be treated with due
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