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Horn of Africa

Why India Should Care More

 

 

Africa has been of growing interest to India for political and economic reasons, but does it have security implications for the country?

The answer is “yes,” especially from a particular sub region, the Horn of Africa. A recent, distinguished visitor to India from the area - Hailemariam Desalegn, deputy prime minister of Ethiopia - highlighted the wider implications of terrorism and piracy in the East African region.

There should be “a naval blockade and no fly zone over Somalia,” he even suggested.

India’s strategic community and official agencies should pay more attention to the conditions and power dynamics in the Horn of Africa because what happens in the region has a direct bearing on the country’s security.

The immediate relevance of the threat posed by piracy was underlined by the latest incident in which a Bangladeshi flagged merchant ship, MV Jahan Moni, was hijacked by Somali pirates barely 144km from the Lakshadweep Islands.

As a quintessential microcosm of Africa, the Horn of Africa has seen it all: imperialism, neo-colonialism, the Cold War, ethnic strife, intra-African conflict, poverty, disease, and famine. Without its recovery and progress, Africa’s resurgence would never be complete.

With the headquarters of the AU located in Addis Abeba, the continent's apex organisation gets a direct and unhindered view of what happens in its immediate vicinity.

The sub region covers a wide spectrum from Ethiopia - an ancient civilisation and a nation that retained its independence (except for a short period) - to Somalia, the most failed state on the planet today. Eritrea and Djibouti, smaller neighbours located on the seashore, have had their own strife and strained relations with Ethiopia and Somalia, respectively.

Eritrea emerged as an independent state after a 30-year war with Ethiopia, a development that turned the latter into a landlocked country. Djibouti, the erstwhile French Somaliland, is a beacon of relative stability and prosperity, and has contributed to mediation and peacemaking efforts inside and outside the region.

Somalia today is a geographical expression, not a united country. Over the past decade, it has had 14 governments. In its northern part, three quasi-sovereign governments exist in Somaliland, Puntland, and Galmudug.

The southern part is partly controlled by the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), but it only runs parts of Mogadishu. Outside the capital, an Islamic group, the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), call the shots. The ongoing armed conflict in the capital city is reminiscent of a civil war torn Beirut.

The south has become a veritable hub of Islamic fundamentalists and terrorist groups such as al-Shabab, which has links with al-Qaeda. The north has been the breeding ground of pirates who pose a serious threat to international shipping. Somalia may aptly be described as “Africa’s Afghanistan.”

Somali pirates, operating in the waters off the Somali coast and in the Gulf of Aden through which a massive quantum of the world’s goods and energy supplies pass, pose a grave danger. The trend now is for them to take their operations far out on the high seas.

In 2008, the attacks numbered 111, and in 2009, they were 217. The year ending now has seen the problem grow.

Piracy has been growing “in frequency, range, aggression, and severity at an alarming rate,” the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in Pretoria found in a recent assessment.

Pirates seem content with extracting ransom, but their continuing operations and the potential of building links with international terrorist organisations are causing widespread worry. The probability of a major, spectacular attack such as the sinking of an oil tanker cannot be ruled out.

In this context, the magnificent work the Indian Navy has been doing in the area since October 2008 deserves wider appreciation. Its warships patrol the Gulf of Aden and quietly provide escort and security assistance not only to Indian, but also foreign, merchant vessels. To date, about 1,350 ships belonging to different countries have availed themselves of this facility.

During the first fortnight of September alone, INS Delhi successfully foiled four separate pirate attacks. In total, 22 piracy attempts have been averted by the navy. It has discharged “its responsibilities with distinction,” as Nirmal Verma, navy chief admiral, put it.

It is worth noting that a considerable degree of consultation, coordination, and cooperation in capacity building in antipiracy operations have been taking place. However, there is a problem about what to do with apprehended pirates, as Indian laws do not permit their prosecution by its courts.

The ships of several other countries, including the US, EU members, Russia, Australia, China, and Japan are affected. The growing presence of Chinese vessels demonstrates the country’s reach as an emerging naval power. It also juxtaposes China’s undue sensitivity about the presence of other navies on the South China Sea.

“China is taking a bigger than normal interest in the Indian Ocean and we are monitoring it carefully,” S.M. Krishna, minister of External Affairs, observed recently.

The world’s navies have been tackling the consequences and addressing the symptoms of the underlying malaise, which is the destruction of Somalia as a state and the resultant anarchy and absence of the rule of law, and the UN has been assisting in the process, both on the political and peacekeeping fronts. However, the 8,000 troops provided by Uganda and Burundi are inadequate for the task.

The international community “does not take the Somali problem seriously enough,” Yoweri Museveni, president of Uganda, complained recently during a visit to Somalia.

Apparently, moves are afoot to increase the size of the troops to 12,000, whereas the AU wants to increase it to 20,000 quickly. Other factors also help to explain the piracy phenomenon.

“We do not consider ourselves sea bandits,” Sugule Ali, a pirate leader, has said. “We consider sea bandits to be those who illegally fish and dump waste in our seas and carry weapons in our area.”

Objective analysts would agree that there is some merit in the argument, but this is hardly a justification for the continuing attacks. Piracy represents a serious challenge to international law and order. Therefore, the international community must do more to resolve the fundamental issues, taking a holistic view.

There is a need to deal with this problem “from the beach side, in concert with the ocean side,” as experts have suggested.

What is required is to craft much greater cooperation among the countries concerned. The Indian government would do well to become more active in examining and discussing the complex problem with the governments in Eastern Africa, the AU, and other concerned parties so as to be able to make a meaningful contribution to its resolution.

The navy can only fight with fire, but surely India is capable of negotiations at diplomatic and political levels. What happens in the region has a direct bearing on the country’s security and wellbeing, and this is becoming clearer and more urgent by the day.

 

BY RAJIV BHATIA

Rajiv Bhatia has formerly served as the Indian High Commissioner to Kenya and South Africa. This article first appeared in The Hindu.

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