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In your
edition of June 22, 2008, Volume. 9, No. 425, commentary
section, Haftamu honestly tried to address the threat of
high dependency on foreign grants and loans. This is not a
response to this article; rather, it is another way of
seeing the situation, which Haftamu Tafare tries to analyse.
Mikias Merhatsidk.
In "on
Government Self Reliance: Walking the Talk," he attempts to
tell us why opposition MPs are wrong for raising the fear of
furthering inflation as the result of increased public
expenditure, following the budget proposal by Sufian Ahmed,
Minister of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED). Citing
Josef Stigliz (PhD), 'Inflation targeting is a futile
exercise,' a belief which he also shares, Haftamu tried to
show why cutting public expenditure is ill-advised. He
believes the argument should rather focus on how national
dependency on foreign assistance would affect the long term
development efforts of the country.
In this
light, he suggests taxation as a remedy, even though he does
not elaborate how. He also tries to assess the nation's tax
collection performance, and calls for its increment, because
foreign assistance, which still is major part of the budget,
is unstable and hard to depend on, taking the last decade as
a lesson. To make things worse, in their bid to respond to
many humanitarian appeals through the world: drought, flood
and earthquakes, add to these the soaring food prices around
the globe which left millions of people in developing
countries at the mercy of international aid, national and
multinational donors are hard pressed for more aid, leaving
no room for development assistance, he argues.
Finally, he says, "This is where Minister Sufian's budget
proposal to parliament should seriously consider another
stream of revenue; broadening the tax base is an ideal one.
For a government that advocates civil society to generate
90% of its revenue from local sources, it too should simply
walk the talk." Here, the question is what other streams of
revenue are really at the disposal of the government. We
will address this issue later, but first, let me say
something about the budget, public expenditure and
inflation.
The
staggering figure proposed for the budget of the next fiscal
year is the continuation from the series of the five-year
plan that was put in motion in 2006, just adjusted to take
into account the present inflation. With this ambitious
plan, there seems to be no room for flexibility that
involves the issue of short-term pain for long-term gain.
One can argue that this seemingly huge sum is not enough
public expenditure for a country that wants to see itself
among the middle-income countries in twenty or thirty years,
but with a minimal infrastructure.
And the
case may even go further for a government that claims to be
a developmental state. But one has to live the moment to
reach the future, and as the Prime Minister put it,
inflation is our main problem at this time, with no end or
slowing down of the galloping prices in sight.
Every
economic decision is all about choices and balancing. In
this globally complicated economical sphere, there may not
be a perfect economic exercise, at least in practice. So the
bottom line will be giving priority to the urgent questions
of the system, and what it is made of budget, public
expenditure and inflation.
Although trying to associate with Joseph Stigliz (PhD) and
other contemporary economists, Haftamu was totally off
course. Yes, cutting public expenditure may result in
recession and unemployment, but neither Stigliz nor I
believe this will be the case for Ethiopia, where more than
85% of the population live economically oblivious to
government's spending and investments. Rather, the price
hikes, mostly in food items, will rip-off the benefits that
the low and middle-income community in the urban enjoy, from
this minimal economic growth.
Still,
the question is how the government funds its budget.
Generally, the government has two main options (sources) to
finance the budget. The first one is outside sources, which
mainly consists of loans and grants from national and
multinational donors. This source covers more than 30% of
the budget proposal for the year 2008/09 and has proved to
be unstable and unreliable as its variable are mostly out of
the government's control.
There
are many factors inherent to this particular source that can
make it out right disappointing, especially in the year when
donor funds are stretched to the limits, as Haftamu
rightfully fears. The focus on humanitarian appeals by the
international donors may be disappointing, more than 4.6
million of us, the catastrophic hungry. And I do believe
another "We Are the World' concert and a mass exodus of
philanthropists to ring the bell of Faminus Ethiopicus
in every body's mind is the last thing we want. After all,
this image building Millennium publicity.
But my
fear lies in what the government will do when loan and
grants are no longer adequate. It tried to get money from
the central bank of Ethiopia compromising NBE's
independence, with a new bill proposed by NBE (to many
critics dismay), that will allow the government to get the
loan advances after only consultation.
Even
with the amount that the government plans to support the
proposed budget from public borrowing, fears are that this
will further aggravate the present inflation, overwhelming
all the monetary policies that were put in motion (increment
of both the interest rates and reserve requirements, which
was proved ineffective in this infant financial market), to
curb the inflation.
The
latest report by the Federal auditor states that the
government has borrowed an extra 3:3 billion Br from the
central bank, surpassing the limit in the 2006/07 fiscal
year alone. This is contrary to the Finance and Banking Law
of the country, and the 2006/07 Budget Law the parliament
endorsed at the end of the 2005/06 budget year. And this
inflated borrowing is associated with the cancellations of
budgetary support by donors following the 2005 elections.
If this
is the case, assuming the expected external source did not
materialise and with the new draft bill is in the pipeline,
NBE is doomed to become the back pocket of the government,
and its effect further increases the money supply in the
market. In the first three quarters of the current budget
year, the money supply has grown to 65.7 billion Br, despite
measures taken to curb its growth. According to a research
made by NBE, a one-percentage point increase in money supply
will result in a 0.6% rise in inflation. This means the
government is actively, and with all its might, working hard
towards the escalation of inflation.
The
second source is the domestic one, which is always below
what it is expected to be, and this mainly consists of tax
and other revenues that the government collects, including
public borrowing. As many may agree, the government should
work on improving and creating more tax revenue: the source
that can be more reliable, but that is still halfway below
the sub-Saharan average.
Many
suggest the introduction of property taxes, which, in my
opinion, is the ideal solution for a country like Ethiopia
that is wrecked by implementation of inefficiencies of every
sort. These property taxes could be formulated in a way to
use the upper class as a tax base. This class is easy to
levy, as specific as it can get, and have no major loopholes
that will leave the door open to evasion. The other tax cash
machine could be trade tax on anomalous goods like alcohol
drinks (the Russian case can be a lesson here) and the
infamous narcotic chat. These taxes could have many positive
externalities, besides revenue, for the government, such as
encouraging savings, and keeping the working force clean, to
say the least.
All in
all the budget seems exorbitant and can further the on going
inflation and to make thing worse the places where the
government is getting the fund to full fill its ambitious
plan are not best of places with regard to inflation. So I
say the government should leave some space for flexibility
and consider a short term pain, if there be any, for a long
term gain.
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