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Whatever
else Barack Obama's presidential campaign signifies, it
represents a concerted effort to transcend partisan
animosities for the sake of solving problems - both domestic
like unemployment, housing, education, healthcare,
infrastructure and environment, as well as a foreign policy
that made the nation less secure against terrorism. In
addressing such issues, Illinois Senator Obama builds on a
record of achieving consensus among normally divergent
parties.
In the
primary contests, Ethiopian-, Eritrean- and Somali-American
citizens rallied in large numbers behind Obama's candidacy.
They find him a leader ready to address the nation's
pressing concerns and to restore a positive American
presence in the global community.
Without
muting that enthusiasm, I want to suggest that something
else which the Senator represents can yield an even greater
benefit for Ethiopia and the Horn.
This point
was broached by Teddy Fikre, in a piece on Obama in the most
recent issue of The Ethiopian American: "The possibility of
overcoming racial, ethnic, religious and regional
differences has implications in countries throughout the
world."
His piece
goes on to note that Obama's approach encourages countries
long stymied by historical grievances and unending conflicts
to set aside their divisions and unite for the common good.
For the
past half century, conflicts commonly associated with
political modernisation have taken an especially brutal form
in Ethiopia. These continue now, within Ethiopia and among
its neighbours on all four sides.
Despite
continuing violence, however, the millennial season appears
to be bringing some hope. Fresh hope for democratisation was
kindled by the release of most political prisoners and all
of the journalists, by reforms of the press law and by
ongoing dialogue regarding the electoral board and rules of
parliamentary procedure.
Years of
focused improvements by the EPRDF regime are showing
palpable results in four areas: roads, schools, health
facilities and energy. The spirit of the people wherever I
went in the countryside during a recent visit was buoyant.
People were energised, smiling and friendly to one another
as only Ethiopians can be.
Many in the opposition find it hard to acknowledge these
improvements, so mindful they are of the regime's
shortcomings. To be sure, they appreciate the great opening
of public space in the year prior to the May 2005 elections;
but the government's enormous backsliding in the months
thereafter has recharged their suspicions and ill will.
Much of the good will generated by the pardon of Kaliti
prisoners has been dissipated by the failure to release
civil society activists Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie.
The judicial dissolution of the Ethiopian Teachers
Association evokes memories of EPRDF repression at its
worst.
A recent
report by the UEDF Party claims that people who responded to
its calls to participate in the elections were under attack,
and no security forces have been alerted to protect them.
The
Charities and Societies Draft Proclamation No. 00/2007
currently before Parliament has been described as an effort
to establish an agency headed by a director with unchecked
authority, over which the relevant minister stands as the
sole arbiter of appeals in most cases. The draft law
promises to be intrusive, chilling, punitive and
mean-spirited, such as to discourage the badly-needed growth
of civil society in Ethiopia.
Claiming
that the current regime could not survive without American
support, some elements of the opposition find hope mainly
through promoting punitive legislation in the United States
(US) Congress.
Their
mobilisation on behalf of the bill now before Congress - as
their spirited mobilisation in the Obama campaign - bespeaks
an unprecedented level of political consciousness and
organisation within the American Diaspora.
At the
same time, contentions regarding the bill have aroused new
divisive passions within the Ethiopian nation and beyond.
Internal oppositions have become proxy wars between
different branches of the US government.
Critics of
the bill note that it ignores positive steps towards
democratisation that Ethiopia took in the past two years.
They claim that the bill interferes with provisions of
Ethiopia's own constitution; mistreats an allied government;
and compares poorly with other American efforts to impose
democratisation, most notably the outrageous war in Iraq and
related threats to American democracy at home.
In
addition, even if the current bill before Congress were to
become law, it would have virtually zero ground impact. The
US Government is already doing the things that HR2003
requires in terms of assistance; the only military aid the
US gives is for counterterrorism or peacekeeping; and the
visa law already requires that the US not give visas to
persons guilty of gross human rights abuses. The law would
have no ground impact, and might alienate a strong partner
and undermine the assistance being given to democratisation
and good governance initiatives.
Supporters
of the bill argue that these criticisms miss the point,
which is to confront the EPRDF regime with a strong symbolic
gesture that prompts it to take more aggressive action in
curbing human rights abuses and advancing democratisation.
Although Ethiopian officials may deny knowledge of such
occurrences, their existence is so well documented that they
demand the energetic attention of government bodies.
Support
for the House Bill is gathering momentum in light of new
waves of rights abuses in the Ogaden and Oromia, according
to reports by rights groups such as Human Rights Watch.
Although terrorist attacks by ONLF forces were outrageous,
the scorched-earth policy in the Ogaden may be without
precedent in Ethiopian history, exactly the opposite way of
attracting the loyalty of people there than Girmame Neway
pursued when he was governor in Jijiga.
What is
more, many in places in Oromia feel threatened due to
continued arbitrary arrests. A string of cases examined by
forensic physicians at centre for the treatment of survivors
of torture bears witness to the fact that ordinary people
who lack any connection with OLF militants continue to be
picked up and submitted to alleged horrific treatment; and
reports of random shootings of activists in the Moyale area
continue to be circulated.
All such
alleged abuses will be investigated further in the Senate
Hearing on the Horn of Africa scheduled to begin on March
11.
Whatever
the merits and outcome of debates on the bill, they have
deflected attention from the pressing need to find common
grounds for working toward a more positive Ethiopian future.
Conflict over the bill has been costly, diverting scarce
resources that could have saved thousands of human lives in
Ethiopia and mobilised Diasporans to engage the
democratisation process at home.
The bottom-line solution of these issues must be addressed
by Ethiopians themselves; ultimately the changes will have
to be made by courageous non-violent political action within
and under the laws of the Constitution, just as the civil
rights movement in the US ended centuries of state-authorised
oppression of African-Americans.
Even so, there is good reason to turn to the US government
for continued support in improving the human rights
situation in Ethiopia in various ways other than a punitive
bill. Consider the words of former Ambassador David Shinn:
"US policy in the region is so focused on countering
terrorism over the short-term that it may be failing to deal
appropriately with the root causes and long-term threat."
To many
Ethiopians at home and abroad, this appears to represent the
sum and substance of America's interest in Ethiopia. They
rarely realise the extent of support for democratisation
efforts both by official US government bodies - not least,
the US Agency for International Development (AID) programme
in governance and democratisation - and NGOs that derive
support from the US as well as other donor governments, such
as Justice for All, PACT: Building Capacity Worldwide and
the Council of Elders which played a key role in
negotiations leading to the pardon of the Kaliti and other
political prisoners.
I find it
disheartening that so many Ethiopians remain unaware of
those crucial efforts.
Beyond
such interventions, there is a crying need for a
transformation of attitudes which will help Ethiopians see
what they have in common more than what divides them.
What about
the proud history of independence manifested at Adwa? What
about the unique history of Christian-Muslim tolerance and
such pan-religious festivals as Kulubi Gabrael? What about
the appreciation of Ethiopia's rich tapestry of indigenous
dance, music, and literature? What about the Olympic
champions and the world-renowned monuments? And what about
nationwide dilemmas regarding food insecurity, malnutrition,
AIDS and other epidemics, mistreatment of women,
deforestation and alarming population pressures?
Such
concerns were central to the recent statements of Seyee
Abraha to Ethiopian communities in the US. The message of
candidate Obama is in this vein: do not fear to talk to one
another, and see what can be done if you work together.
As he
expressed the point in a talk given at Martin Luther King's
old church in Atlanta, "We can no longer afford to build
ourselves up by tearing each other down."
If the US
presidential campaign can produce an inspiring figure like
Barack Obama, who projects that transformative vision for
Ethiopians, I cannot imagine anything more salubrious.
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