The peculiarly special gift we have received on the eve of the Ethiopian Millennium is the wide spreading warmth being felt in our hearths, stimulated by the initiative taken for a national consensus and renaissance.
 

Approaching to the new Millennium bonanza, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi had reportedly given a 'personal' hint of leaving office at the middle of a seemingly never-ending term. Next, he made an open-minded [not sure if it was hearty] performance with the young generation. And then his article came in Fortune: "Ethiopia at the Threshold of Renaissance" [Volume 8, Number 384, September 9, 2007].
 

Moreover, I thought I was hallucinating when I witnessed his first ever appearance in cultural clothes, his unprecedented and touchy tone of speech and dancing - all at the 'eve' of the Third Ethiopian Millennium.
 

As Eyessus-Work Zafu epitomised the opportunity at hand in the new Millennium, it becomes "one mammoth exercise of national soul searching and cleansing".
 

Likewise, in his unprecedented, and probably surprising, expression to a consensual version of Ethiopia's past, the Prime Minister also heralded the new Millennium to be "Ethiopia's renaissance and rebirth… that we will never beg.” I assume this renaissance could largely correspond to the decadence at hand, not those that past generations had gone through.
 

In due course, one personality - notably Meles Zenawi - is improving in time, for good or worse. One would ask if all these Millennium proceedings would signal the beginning to the end of national decadence. The answer lies in a review of political developments under his rule.
 

In a brief, but clear-minded retrospection, the re-making and synthesis of Ethiopian state and the tone of its politics in the post-1991 period has arguably been unhealthy, be it in terms of ideology, governance and the rule of law, public participation and foreign relations (mishandling the latter, for example, cost the bloody boarder dispute with Eritrea).
 

The responsibility for the problems, however, may go into parts of the nation: the government - with a lion's share, opposition parties and citizens. Invisible foreign hands have also, in some way, fuelled the scenario.
 

Irrespective of views on Ethiopian political terrain, however, this does not mean we failed on every aspect. Infrastructural development and the recent impressive economic growth, maybe at any cost, are quite noticeable.
 

Beyond that, we need to flatly admit that the architect of the political landscape is a good player, including a distinguishing skill of sophistry and crisis management. All around the clock, he has been performing as an egocentric  commander-in-chief.
 

There have been various episodes of the Prime Minister's 'mutation,' with a bunch of friends, some in a mainstream politics and others in an independent and open-mind setup.
 

To my surprise and/or disappointment, many have been shocked by TIME's report on the 'giving up' of his 'centrally controlled' governance. These people think of him as irreplaceable; not sure as to who else is capable of perusing an expert public performance, or confusion.

Others, unsurprised, but grimly think that he is paving ways to giving up his classic revolutionary democracy; admitting that a series of mistakes would lead nowhere but to national collapse.
 

Then what is he up to?
 

Firstly, considering leaving office is a genuine appeal, but what caused this presumably unavoidable move?
 

Second, how would he handle power transfer, the situation after his legacy?
 

Third, who will be the next leader?
 

Defocusing the pre-1991 story of his political behaviour, the keys to answers lie in the past 16 years. With his unique chemistry in ethnic politics, he has been exercising almost absolute power, which usually tends to corrupt absolutely.
 

His dilemma on self-actualisation versus building a nation, of more than 70 million people, faced a series of tough challenges, overcoming them in many ways. By the same token, he has passed (it may also be lingering) a bitter disagreement with his comrades, who as a result   are no longer in charge. 
 

Two grave mistakes, among others, that might have induced him to wake this time could be the unresolved boarder dispute with Eritrea, which Meles himself reportedly sees only dimly possible to resolve while he is in office; and reflections of the May 2005 election. Another important factor beneath the surface would be his government's structural failures.
 

All these and more issues would lead him to a critical evaluation, whether to go ahead in the usual routine of 'centrally controlled' governance. But then he would ask for how long, could his administration suddenly collapse followed by harsh repercussions and can he help heal the decaying part of his administration.
 

As he put it in the conference with the youth, he and his comrades need to pass power over to the next generation. The next three years could be ample to lay the foundation.
 

Three possibilities on how to transfer his power are apparent. One would retain EPDRF's chairmanship and shape the politics behind the scene, so that the political tune remains precisely the same as his reign.
 

In another scenario, he would transfer his power to his party - provided that his immunity is assured, and leave the country to decide its destiny.
 

In yet another his registration might make him so popular as to induce a public appeal favouring his reign to continue.
 

No matter which of these three possibilities is to happen in three years, who would potentially be the next head of government? This speculation is, of course, based on the first two possibilities of power transfer above.
 

Unlike those substantial numbers of fellow Ethiopians who think the Prime Minister is irreplaceable, we can count on as many persons as we want whose profiles may or may not include eloquence in public speaking or a biography of guerrilla fighting or a PhD. The nominee needs to fulfil a conventional ministerial résumé; notwithstanding that the head of government here is picked indirectly by the majority vote in the parliament.
 

A person is needed who would be capable of creating a national consensus, lift up 'Ethiopianism- with its diversity and indivisibility'; engineer the road map and dynamically develop participatory political, social and economic environment. Parallel to that, the one who would be willing to feel the hearts of his compatriots, govern him/herself in the sacred law of the land, is necessary.

What is the next best thing to expect in the next three years and beyond? Our experiences tell that the political future of this country is too dim to predict three years from now because of its fragility in form and structure. In a nutshell however, we must expect what we need.
 

In general terms, a nation can hardly be built in a one-man show, no matter what degree of effort is exerted; in essence, it needs genuine participation, checks and balances and the rule of law.The new feelings on national consensus must be preserved carefully - beyond complacency, and until the roots expand within its horizons.

Equally important, it calls for a truth and reconciliation process through whatever means. It is the only way to heal the wounds and the mourning. Lastly, we may need to have a u-turn: revising the supreme law of the land up to the public interest.

All these do not need any form of calculations or senseless propaganda, or rather confusion. It needs the art of touching the motherland's heart.