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 My Opinion  
   
 

UN Missing Prereq's for Developmental State

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) made a    surprising turn of face last week advocating African nations follow a developmental state model to accelerate economic growth. While the Conference made some valid points in disputing the 'one size fits all' approach that some international organisations fall victim to in their policy recommendations, the report failed to account for some basic prerequisites necessary to achieve success under the state interventionist approach elaborated.
 

The report delivered at the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) on Wednesday, September 26, 2007, stood in stark contrast to those of the previous four years that focused on external factors - trade, debt, foreign direct investment (FDI) and aid in chronological order. Although it is promising that the UNCTAD report gives specific policy recommendations and focuses on points that are within the control of the various governments of the African continent, it is disappointing that it devotes only brief mention to the character of governance that must exist for such a centralised economic mindset to yield benefit.
 

Janvier Nkurunzia, economic affairs officer with UNCTAD in Geneva, rightly pointed out some of the failures of African countries' economic regimes and the prescriptions provided by the Conference and other multilateral institutions as only five of the 50-plus nations included in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are on track to halve poverty by 2015. In underdeveloped countries with fledgling private sectors simply letting the elusive 'invisible hand' take its course is a recipe for creating vast inequalities and giving rise to irreparable problems of uncoordinated resource extraction. This is especially true in post-communist states with huge structural challenges to overcome and in states with disappointingly low levels of institutional capacity to institute the rules of the game necessary to promote sustainable and equitable growth. The example of the massive capital flight (or looting) that occurred after Russia strictly and rapidly followed Washington Consensus policies after the Soviet Union dissolved is testament to the disastrous effects of the absence of the state.
 

The enlarged role for the state advocated by the report is in tune with the philosophies advocated by the Revolutionary Democrats led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a party that must be glowing after receiving the boost to its authority in policy choices from a respected institution; this is in stark contrasts to the ideological challenges emanating from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) earlier in the year.
 

The report is correct in asserting that the advisable balance between protectionism and openness depends on "timing and circumstance". Where it falls short is in the critical elaboration of the meaning behind the vague statement of calling not for more state intervention but for a better state.
 

The free market is in many ways predictable as economic agents pursue profit maximisation motives and thus, while not always just, outcomes will at the least loosely adhere to certain patterns. The intervention of the state, while often productive to give the necessary jump start to infant industries, is not as reliable, especially if not bounded by a strong structure of checks and balances that ensures the integrity of the rulers. Herein lies the flaw, or at least insufficiency of the recent UNCTAD report.
 

Unless the systems of governance are commanded by strict adherence to the rule of law that create outcomes based on accountability and transparency, state intervention in the economy is a recipe for disaster. The developmental state is posited on a notion that an economy is in transition from an underdeveloped state and thus needs certain imperfect mechanisms to correct imperfect markets to reach the future developed state where these constraints can eventually be removed. The developmental state is a means to an end where the government can be removed from the picture.

 

However, before effective intervention can begin, the institutional framework to ensure the eventual or gradual phasing out of protectionism should be in place. It is a shame that this is lacking from many of the African countries, including Ethiopia that continually receive low ratings from international institutions on the quality and accountability of governance. In this scenario vested interests become locked into the structure of the economy and thus impede the privatisation efforts that are meant to supersede the initial industrial make-up. The Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation (ETC) that delivers a very low level of service by any standards in Ethiopia is one such example of a disappointingly prolonged existence.
 

If taken from a more positive angle, the policy prescriptions inherent in the developmental state model are a call for international institutions and national governments to speed up the process of reform such that interventionism may be conducted in a more responsible manner than the oligarchic nepotism that prevails across much of the continent. In this respect, the Western model of tying aid and investment to positive governmental reforms as elucidated in the bill on human rights and democracy that passed through the House Foreign Affairs Committee last week in the United States (US) is a more desirable approach to create these conditions for quality governance than China's resource hungry quests in the continent.

 

The UNCTAD report's advocating following policies characteristic of those followed by the East Asian Tigers is nothing new, though it lost favour after the financial crisis. No doubt enhancing tax collection, gradually bringing the vast informal into line with the economy guided by law, enhancing remittances, and reducing capital flight are admirable goals. The capacity for these lofty ideals to reach fruition is sadly lacking in many of the countries covered by the 116-page publication.

 

Hopefully, this report will lead to more calls to create the quality of governance essential to make interventionism work. If not, giving authority to some of the undemocratic governments in Africa to continue their overly protectionist regimes will not help change the course of the past two decades.

 

By Brian Burrell

The writer can be reached at brian@addisfortune.com

 
 
   
   
   
 
 
 

 

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