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To the delight of unionists in this country, Ethiopian
nationalism seems on a resurgence. Even the
Revolutionary Democrats, who are known to
have a rather different interpretation of
Ethiopianess, have begun promoting the
glorious past few thousand years of
Ethiopia, judging from series of broadcasts
on the state owned electronic media, if not
recent assertions by their leader.
The pick of this new found mood was more evident this past
week, when the country wasawash with
celebrating the beginning of its Third
Millennium. As the explosive fireworks,
blinding lights and deafening screams have
subsided, reflection on the momentous events
reveals a promising mood. The celebrations
that brought the Second Millennium to a
close and ushered in the next 1,000 years in
the Ethiopian calendar not only fulfilled
the countless hopes of a good time, but also
reflected some deeper positive trends for
Ethiopia's future.
Unprecedented numbers of people flocked to public places
for revelry last Tuesday night as streets,
nightclubs and halls of all types overflowed
with fervour. While the sheer volume of
carousing in itself is a tremendous feat for
any country, let alone one with its fair
share of economic setbacks and political
uncertainties, the most impressive aspect
lies in the composition of the public seen
dancing in droves.
The Millennium celebrations, as any event that reaches the
proportions experienced, met their fair
share of criticisms from a variety of
angles. In a country of 81 million people
and as proudly and controversially diverse
as Ethiopia, not everyone would simply take
the rosy picture painted by organisers at
face value.
One of the most commonly heard judgements was that the
Millennium was simply an opportunity for the
ruling party to propagate its alleged
greatness and successes. Some claimed that
the Revolutionary Democrats were attempting
to hijack the memory of the last 1,000 years
and manoeuvre into the position of the time
period's greatest. Incessant ETV programmes
on the progress made in the past 16 years
and the campaign to ensure that all
Millennium symbolism would be monopolised by
the federally endorsed flag aside, this
scepticism is not what prevailed last week.
Thousands of people flocked to all corners of the capital
and left their homes for public spots in the
regions in a rather celebratory exercise.
The enjoyment seemed to cross most, if not
all, dividing lines that separate the nation
on so many issues. People of all walks of
life could be seen shoulder to shoulder wide
mouthed gazing at the firework display at
Meskel Square, dancing to the beats at the
Millennium Concert Hall or producing the
general merriment at Jan Meda.
Gladly, smiles broke down barriers and transcended
divisions.
When such an event is powerful enough to bring this
atmosphere in a similar manner to a country
struggling to define itself, it should be
seen in a positive light.
Addis Abeba, for example, just two years ago voted
overwhelmingly (99pc) for an opposition
alliance or against the incumbent, in
whatever manner one prefers to look at it.
Yet the city was ablaze with spirit last
week as urbanites took full advantage of the
opportunity to enjoy themselves. Whether
they simply chose to ignore the political
implications of their actions or were making
a statement in favour of an Ethiopian
Millennium devoid of any partisan
affiliations is a question for deeper
investigation.
It is obvious that the around 150,000 at Jan Meda,
20,000 at the national stadium and 17,000 at
the Millennium Concert Hall could not all be
supporters of the ruling party. Similarly,
the Millennium logo was seen at all
locations, even pasted to the notorious blue
and white taxis that were so instrumental in
opposition rallies two years ago.
What was seen last week was both unprecedented and
incredible.
While Tewedros Kassahun (a.k.a. Tedi Afro), certainly not
EPRDF's poster child, dazzled surprised
guests in the national Stadium, although
brief and with a mediocre sound system, at
the same time, those willing to shell out
1,500 Br enjoyed the Black Eyed Peas in the
MIDROC funded Concert Hall, made possible by
Sheik Mohammed Al-Amoudi's company, no foe
of the current government.
There was a unique sense of pride in the enjoyment felt by
Ethiopia out of all locations on the globe.
It was truly a moment of glory for a country
with vast potential.
The challenge for all is to perpetuate this momentum; morph
the moment into a movement forward.
It is indeed a huge challenge to channel the zeal thick in
the air into any kind of tangible progress
towards a better country; it goes past the
Millennium Secretariat which must convince
the public the party is not over because it
seems very difficult to find a uniting
factor in a country composed of so many
differences.
To build the framework to move Ethiopia ahead amidst the
languages, dresses, music, foods and
cultural diversity in general is no easy
task. These are the very issues of political
contentions in Ethiopia of perhaps the past
few thousand years, and surly over the past
century. To some, these differences are
causes for alarm for they fear potential
disintegration, while to others these are
not only sources of beauty but also
strength. The latter represents the official
view of the political establishment since
the early 1990s.
The coming into power of the Revolutionary Democrats during
this time has indeed unseated the century
old political view of Ethiopia as a unitary
state, with its people being one in all
aspects. Shaking the most conventional
political beliefs is not distinctive to them
in Ethiopian history, though.
Historical biases aside, if not very limited literature,
similar development was recorded in history
just about the same time 1,000 years ago. A
legendary woman warrior, Yodit, unseated the
most powerful Axumite Empire, and paved the
way for the establishment of the Zagwe
Dynasty, a rule that remained until 1270.
The concept of Ethiopianess has been continuously evolving
since then. Over the thousands of years,
Ethiopia remained a nation where the winners
take it all, and the losers accept their
submission until such time they recover from
their defeats. Not surprisingly, hardly was
there space for those who have come to be
defeated in bloody wars and battles.
Amidst these battles of the sword, and little of ideas, two
themes have prominently guided much of the
discourse amongst various and conflicting
groups of the Ethiopian political landscape
over the recent centuries, in particular.
On the one side, some advocate building a unified Ethiopia
devoid of inward differences and de-emphasising
the outward manifestations of these cultural
showings mainly expressed through languages.
On the other side of the coin are those who
believe in a federal system whereby the
varied traditions are celebrated and little
attempt is made to break down distinctions
between the various peoples. They in fact
cherish them.
The past 16 years were a period of institutionalising this
federalist outlook while the years preceding
this could more aptly be characterised by
unifying themes. While these philosophies
differ, there is no contradiction in them
cohabitating through open discourse. That is
what this country and its people have been
deprived of so far. In fact, through
conversations they will probably mould into
an outcome of compromise; an aspiration of
democracy.
The venue for these philosophies to converse has not
existed in the recent past. It is only last
week that a mood to accommodate the
advocates of each was brought forward. This
is the Millennium spirit that should be
built upon. This appears to be the way
ahead. And last week provides a glimmer of
what type of spirit will be required to
begin.
Whether deserved or not, the hopefulness that could be felt
leading up to September 11 was the positive
precursor needed to create the inclusive
mood last week. The question now is how to
turn this spirit directed towards the
Millennium to the betterment of Ethiopia in
general.
Beyond the grand divisions over the interpretations of what
is being an Ethiopian, one of the most
troubling aspects of Ethiopian society is
the feeling of helplessness in striving for
a better future. Many people are unmotivated
to advance their positions for the sentiment
that such labours could bear no fruit. The
incentive for personal industriousness is
lacking. This is a structural flaw in the
way society is organised.
The line of resentment towards others who are perceived to
have more opportunities or the feeling that
mobility is untouchable, while possibly
overblown, is not easy to discard outright.
This is a dangerous outlook that is terribly
difficult to reverse; but it ought to be
changed.
The only motivation for one to push on harder is the
promise of reward, tangible or intangible.
The return for toiling toward a goal is a
necessary precursor to such effort. Watching
those around you with the target in hand,
earned through connection or affiliation is
quite a demoralising feeling. Many people
harbour an overwhelming attitude of this and
it can be changed.
The possibility of mobility is the greatest incentive for
one to work hard. Social and economic lines
are made to be broken through those willing
to try. The type of society where this is
possible must be established.
The system of social and economic justice may be easy to
construct on paper. Certainly, current
philosophies guiding the judicial processes
and businesses are by no means perfect.
Manipulating these to bring them closer into
line with an equality of opportunity outlook
is a good first step.
When the de jure realm is corrected in its many
deficiencies the de facto reality may
come closer to the desired outcome. When a
rule of law is established blind to
backgrounds and circumstances, the mindset
of society may become closer to that of
believing in the rewards of effort.
The type of consensus building required to bring these
changes is present in some form in this
moment of the new Millennium. It seems it is
now or never to perpetuate it. |