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Last week, this
newspaper published an interesting query as to when the Ethiopian
Prime Minister would leave the political scene. Interestingly enough
and with his usual bent irony, the prime minister reformulated the
question in a manner that revealed a very important truth of
Ethiopian politics. “As to when you expect to be free of me,” the PM
was quoted as saying, “I will have to keep you guessing”.
The PM is
apparently admitting that he is the maker and breaker of things in
this country or that he has a gut feeling that people in this
country want to get rid of him. I think this is the meaning of the
code words “to be free of me”.
I hope the
Prime Minister would not deny that over the last 20 or 14 years he
has evolved from the leader of a ragtag guerrilla army and a loose
coalition he put together under the name of EPRDF in order to help
him seize power nationally, into the strongman of the biggest nation
in East Africa.
The PM
undoubtedly wields immense power. He is the head of the TPLF, the
ruling party in his Tigrayan constituency and within the coalition
known as the EPRDF or the ruling party nationally. He is the
chairman of the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray (MLLT), another
dinosaur organization that has apparently buried its head in the
sand and feigning non-existence but waiting an opportune moment to
come into life. Since the MLLT is not officially disbanded we can
assume that it has only assumed low profile.
The PM is also
commander-in-chief of the armed forces, which is the most important
position he has. Because democratic institutions are not developed
in Ethiopia, do not enjoy independence from one another, or a system
of check and balances is not in place, the chief executive has
indirect influence, through the web of connections his party has
carefully nurtured over the years, on the legislature and the
justice system that is mainly run by ruling party cadres whose
loyalty to the system based on ethnic affiliation rather than
professional competence, is quite undisputable.
The PM holds
undisputed authority over the regional minions he manipulates at
will in order to guarantee the hegemony of his core organization.
Theoretically or constitutionally, the regional councils have the
power to elect their leaders but in practice things are decided at
the centre and mainly within the EPRDF core leadership with the PM
as the king maker.
The PM has left
the question of political succession relatively unclear in the
Ethiopian constitution. Ethiopia has a prime ministerial political
system and the party that wins a majority of votes in a national
election rules the country for a five-year term. The Ethiopian
constitution does not say anything about how many times a party
should stay in power even if it wins elections. It does not limit
the terms in office of a party and by implication that of the head
of the majority party who becomes the Prime Minister. I think this
is a very serious lacuna, deliberately left in the constitution.
This point did not attract sufficient attention in national
political discourse but the PM is apparently poised to exploit this
deliberate gap in the constitution to his advantage.
My own guess is
that Prime Minister Meles might not be ready to quit until at least
2010 or 2015 and I know that this is going to anger many Ethiopians.
I have nevertheless objective grounds to base my assumptions on. The
ruling party has barely escaped defeat in the May 2005 elections as
soon as it tried to organize a free election. I do not think that it
will try to repeat this experience in 2010 because it would
represent a threat to its continued domination of the Ethiopian
polity.
Had PM Meles
had a liberal agenda, he would have started by working for national
reconciliation, pluralism, the opening up of the political space and
tolerance of dissent rather than the repression of the opposition
and the stifling of the independent press. Nowadays, rallies,
demonstrations and political gatherings are effectively banned in
Ethiopia while press freedom is deliberately stifled. The regime is
trying to base its legitimacy on what it calls economic growth but
this would not help it overcome its authoritarian political nature.
All this might be indicative that the PM is not ready to quit the
scene anytime soon although talk of a post-Meles Ethiopia might
start now. |