Volume 6, No. 305
March 5 ,2006
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Economic Commentary
 
 

What you cannot avoid, welcome, the Chinese advise. This is precisely the advice our economic commentator gives to the administration of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who is struggling with mounting levels of subsidy for oil imports and the inevitable decision it should make to adjust prices at the fuel stations: now at 5.50 Br per litre on benzene and 3.87Br on diesel. Studies warn that failure to adjust prices now will cause a 200 million dollar additional burden on the budget by June 2006 and has far-reaching consequences for the economy. Prime Minister Meles seems to have little choice but to adjust the fuel price for the first time since December 2004.    

 
 


Here Comes Inflation!

Adios Cheap Oil!

When your neighbour losses his job, it is called hyperinflation. When you lose your job it is described as a recession. But when an economist losses his job, it is labelled a depression.

This old joke probably contains an iota of truth about the way economists perceive harsh economic realities. Indeed, neither depression nor recession is affecting the world economy at this particular juncture. But, a sharp rise in energy prices, particularly the price of oil, is sparking concerns and even taking a serious toll in many oil importing countries stretching from Timbuktu to Taipei.

Currently, the price of a barrel of oil stands at around 60 dollars. If the price is to be maintained at current levels, or even climb higher (which appears to be a strong possibility), it will, undoubtedly, not only shrink corporate profits and trim global growth, it will also push economies down in the dumps, and squeeze household incomes.

There are many fundamental reasons for the hike in the price of oil. The Chinese economy, which is now growing at breathtaking speed, is partly responsible for higher oil prices. International trade data shows, China’s oil import recently jumped by 40pc. Countries such as India have also shown an increased appetite for energy and raw materials.

On top of this, the turbulence and political strife in oil producing countries, such as Nigeria and Iraq, and the lack of investment in new oil fields are factors considered to be contributing to the upward pressure on crude prices.

Although the cyclical component of growth is always larger than the structural, official statistics indicate that Ethiopia’s gross domestic product (GDP) has now sprinted to reach seven per cent. This is also fuelled by an export sector that has registered a remarkable growth of 33pc, to reach to 700 million dollars. This news has encouraged optimistic souls to predict better times to come. Hopefully, they will be proved right.

Nonetheless, past experience suggests that when things look so rosy, it is better always to ask, “what might go wrong”. Accordingly, a closer look at other statistical indicators reveals that the Ethiopian economy is actually facing a double whammy as a result of a spiking oil import bill and rising inflation. 

A bumper harvest usually refreshes the entire economy, keeping inflationary pressures in check and putting some money in the pockets of farmers to spend on consumer goods, stimulating some of the industries.

In spite of the bumper harvest during the last two years, the food price index jumped from three per cent in December 2004 to 13.7pc this year, while core inflation (excluding food) has almost doubled from 3.9pc to 7.2pc. As a result, the general price index has shot up from its last year level of 3.2pc to 11.7pc this year.

What is puzzling is that, in spite of a 15pc rise in agricultural productivity, the food price index, which usually declines during the second quarter of the year, has sky rocketed. The hope remains that a flow of food aid in the coming months will help dump the price of food items in the domestic market.

Without exaggeration, if inflation keeps rising or remain at its current level, it will knock-off the spurt in GDP growth, whose forecast varies from 5.1pc (the IMF) and eight per cent, reported by the government.

Government blames the work of speculators and “blood sucking vampires” for the current price escalation, whom it alleges are trying to thrive by hoarding goods and employing cheap market rigging tactics.

Indeed, there are some who argue that inflation is not a worrying factor in Ethiopia due to the fact that core inflation stands at 7.2pc. True: core inflation usually indicates how and to what extent the money supply in an economy is affecting price levels. However, it is ridiculous in the Ethiopian case to ignore the food price index as irrelevant as 60pc of household consumption consists of food. Sticking to core inflation alone does not make much sense, indeed it can be misleading.

It is also plausible to argue that inflation in Ethiopia, by and large, is not a monetary phenomenon. It is the amount of rainfall that often determines the level of price. 

Generally speaking, inflation is eroding the purchasing power of many people in many ways in spite of the debate that it is caused by food prices or a non-food one, and whichever is moderate. Just wander the market places, you can see how fast prices are moving upwards.

It is not only inflation that tops everyone’s list. It is also the country’s oil imports bill that has surged up dramatically at the very time the government is struggling to ease inflationary pressures and do away with the uncertain climate in the aftermath of the May national elections saga. 

Available data from the Ethiopian Petroleum Enterprise indicate that, Ethiopia imported over 1.4 million tonnes of oil, valued at 5.2 billion Br, during the year 2004/05. This represents 25.2pc of the total import of Ethiopia in the same year valued at 21 billion Br (2.38 billion dollars). This is nearly a 62pc rise on the previous year oil import bill.

Out of the total export earnings, over 84pc is spent on the import of oil alone. As a result of soaring oil prices, the country’s trade deficit has widened to 1.7 billion dollars. Apparently, the government is spending over one billion Birr annually to subsidize local fuel consumption. There is no doubt that this is slowly becoming a menace on the budget, with a deficit assuming four per cent of the GDP, according to the IMF. A recent estimate indicated that a five dollars rise per barrel of oil would erode 0.9pc of Ethiopia’s Real Gross Domestic Product (RGDP).

The government is indeed struggling to keep inflation in check and to continue to subsidize local fuel consumption. In fact, any measure that increases the price of oil at the fuel stations would certainly amplify the current economic difficulties. Without any doubt, a rise in fuel prices will have a knock-on effect on the purchasing power of the population. Nevertheless, continuing to subsidize fuel consumption will put pressure on the already strained government finances and become a drag on the economy.

In fact, the standard IMF fiscal discipline criterion requires developing countries to keep their fiscal deficit at around seven per cent of their GDP. In the face of mounting oil subsidy, the government has little chance but to head towards this threshold.

There is little doubt whether the government can subsidize oil without shelving some of its development activities. Imagine how many schools, clinics, mosquito nets that the one billion Birr subsidy could build and buy in just a year? Continuing the oil subsidy will severely affect next year’s government spending on infrastructure, education and health. 

Furthermore, most of the oil subsidies do not benefit the majority of the people in whose name the subsidy is paid. Cheap petrol largely benefits the gas-guzzling nouveau riche who drive fuel consuming posh Mercedes and Sport utility vehicles, a.k.a. SUVs, on the streets of Addis. In fact, the nouveaux riche these days are changing their spending habits as often as their underwear. There is hardly any justification why the state should foots their bill with taxpayers’ money.

While the general mechanism by which oil prices affect economic performance is well understood, the precise dynamics and the magnitudes of these effects on the Ethiopian economy needs in-depth analysis.

The impact of the rise in fuel import prices could become more pronounced if such prices continue to rise in the global oil market at the current rate. More immediately, the higher the price of oil imports, the larger the nation’s merchandize trade deficit and the greater the disproportionate impact they have, particularly on the manufacturing sector that largely depends on imported raw materials.

Seen from the political perspective, the continuation of subsidy might be correct. However, if is hardly possible for the government to shoulder the bill indefinitely. Although there is little sign of an inevitable crisis, the government – should it chooses to continue to subsidise - will gain nothing except to push the economy to the edge of the cliff. The postponement of adjustment is not the best way to circumvent economic difficulties that are hovering around. Nor is a sudden and abrupt adjustment advisable.

For instance, a sudden and abrupt increase in fuel price has more dire consequences than a gradual increase. The higher the oil-price in the world market and the longer subsides are sustained at local markets, the worst the cumulative macroeconomic impact will be. Sky rocketing oil prices lead to a deterioration of the balance of payments (IMF estimates the gap to be 570 million dollars in December 2005), putting downward pressure on the stability of the exchange rates.

Fiscal imbalances would worsen, creating pressure to raise taxes that could turn the current cyclical economic upturn upside down. An abrupt increase in fuel prices could lead to significant shifts in levels and patterns of investment, savings and spending. A sudden rise in fuel prices also exacerbates inflation, and reduces aggregate demand, pushing the economy further into deflation.

Deflation is much more damaging to economic stability than inflation. It deepens recession because it increases the real burden of debt and encourages people to postpone consumption in the hope that prices will fall further.

In that scenario tax revenue falls and the budget deficit increases, due to rising government expenditure, which normally pushes the interest rate up. Because of the real decline in wages, a sudden increase in prices typically leads to upward pressure on nominal wages.

Wage pressures, together with reduced demand, tend to lead to higher unemployment. The combination of a high level of inflation, alarmingly increasing unemployment, lower exchange rates and lower real output could finally push the economy into the doldrums.

Ethiopia’s economy has little financial leeway to indefinitely subsidize fuel at the pumps. While protecting the very poor should be a priority, it however has to gradually pass some of the costs to them. To cushion the effects of fuel price rise, the government has to take a host of supply side measures to boost economic activities. If growth is to be held, it requires the incumbent to do more than encouraging the export sector.

More aggressive restructuring of the public sector, expansion of public works, such as the construction of dams, roads, through better budget management and further exploration of minerals and mines would help boost the economy and reduce the prevalent rampant unemployment. Further, the government has to support the expansion of private businesses by introducing corporate laws that remove barriers to the entry and expansion of new firms.

Ensuring property rights, introduction of bankruptcy laws and improving the commercial code will enhance the creation of a pulsating economy. The moot point here is that the government has to exigently revamp the real sector and put the country on a fast growth trajectory which is certainly the best way to withstand cyclical exogenous shocks.

Key to all these is the need for the central bank to liberalize the bank deposit rate, currently at the three per cent level. This would help enhance consumer spending, thereby further helping to revamp productive activity. In fact, the functioning minimum deposit rate has achieved nothing except allow banks to sit on a mountain of excess liquidity, which is estimated to be 25pc of the GDP.

It is very difficult to comprehend the rationale behind fixing the same interest rate for all categories of deposits. It would be much better to allow banks to decide their deposit rates rather than maintain the minimum deposit rate indefinitely. Moreover, the central bank has to be cautious that contractionary monetary policy to contain inflationary pressures at this point in time could exacerbate unemployment and lead to a further fall in income.

Belt tightening measures are dangerous in an environment where there are no more belts to tight.

The upshot is that if public deficit continues as a result of the fuel subsidy, it could lead to higher inflation because the government will be forced to seek more money from the domestic finance sources that stands now at 985 million Br, according to a World Bank report. This will certainly push up the interest rate, crowd out private investment and weaken the financial system.

To avoid a full-size macroeconomic shock, the government has to make a careful adjustment of the local price of fuel, while trying to protect the very poor within the limits of its budget. After all, there is not much alternative left, except to embrace price inflation and live with an expensive fuel price. Indeed, as the old Chinese proverb has it, what you cannot avoid, welcome.