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The incumbent won more seats in Parliament than it expected. Now the opposition has fewer seats that ever before, even less than the first Parliament, which was formed after the elections in 1995. Some supporters of the Revolutionary Democrats fear that Parliament will become monotonous and prosaic. However, the incumbent insists that nothing will change, writes EDEN SAHLE, FORTUNE STAFF WRITER.

Back to Early Days of Parliament

 

Parliament in session during times past had included opposition voices as those of Beyene Petros, Lidetu Ayalew and more. Will Parliament thrive or wane now that the minority of voices with differing viewpoints will no longer be present in the next five years?

 

It would seem that Bereket Kiros, 40, an Isuzu truck driver residing in Adama (Nazareth) but working in Addis Ababa, should be happy with the outcome of the election. The party he voted for, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), was declared the winner by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE).

“I am happy,” he admits.

But his desire for an EPRDF victory did not include the near total exclusion of the opposition from Parliament that resulted. That has caused him serious disappointment.

The 547-seat Parliament of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is the highest authority in the Federal Government. It is formed every five years by members who are directly elected by citizens, in accordance with Article 54 of the Constitution, for a five-year tenure.

In the first election, in 1995, the EPRDF won 492 seats; opposition parties and independent candidates respectively won 47 and eight seats. In the second election in 2000, the incumbent lost a few seats to opposition parties and independents, which respectively won 53 and 13 seats, leaving 481 seats for the EPRDF.

The historic 2005 election brought 136 opposition candidates to Parliament. Independent candidates fared better, too, winning 43 seats. The EPRDF was down to 367 seats, which, nonetheless, was a clear majority.

In a bizarre twist, the rise of the opposition in 2005 also marked the beginning of its downfall. Addis Abeba descended into violence that led to killings and property destruction.

 

 

The Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), which was expected to take over the administration of Addis Abeba under the mayoralty of Brehanu Nega (PhD), declined to do so. The opposition victory that was celebrated, failed to bare fruit.

Last Sunday’s voting on May 23, 2010, according to the NEBE’s report, rewarded the incumbent and its affiliates with 99.5pc of Parliament’s seats, with only one going to Medrek and one to an independent candidate.

Oromia, Tigray, Amhara, and Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples (SNNP) regional states respectively have 178, 38, 138, and 123 total parliamentary seats. Only one went to an independent, in SNNP. Somali, Afar, and Gambella regional states also gave their 23, eight, and three seats to members of EPRDF affiliates. Eight of the nine seats for Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State went the same way; the result for the ninth is yet to be declared. Harari Regional State and the Dire Dawa Council did the same, with their two seats each.

In 2005, Addis Abeba was a total victory for the opposition parties. This time the EPRDF collected 22 of the 23 seats, leaving just one for Medrek.

The flurry of 79 party registrations at the NEBE saw only 63 parties able to field candidates Out of the 501 candidates that the EPRDF brought forward, only two lost, while only one out of 421 Medrek candidates succeeded. All 549 candidates that represented the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) and Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP) completely lost.

“This situation destroyed the barely seen multiparty composition of Parliament in Ethiopian politics,” a political scientist at Addis Abeba University (AAU), who requested anonymity, told Fortune.

The 2005 National Elections resulted in a composition which was fair; it was progressively coming to a stage of pluralist ideology, he said. Currently, however, it has gone 19 years backwards, to the time when the incumbent first took power, he said. He foresees a dull Parliament where there is no debate.

“This is good neither for the country nor the incumbent,” he said. “The incumbent will be losing experienced politicians to point out issues unseen by it. If Parliament incorporated different political parties who have different ideologies, it would enable member parties to suggest constructive ideas in all discussions, which would contribute much to both the legislative and oversight forums in Parliament for the overall growth of the country.”

The EPRDF’s affiliates include the Somali People’s Democratic Party (SPDP), Afar National Democratic Party (ANDP), Harari National League (HNL), Gambella People’s Unity Democratic Movement (GPUDM) and Benishangul-Gumuz People’s Democratic Organisation (BGPDO).

“It is difficult to say that these parties will oppose the EPRDF,” said a second political scientist who preferred to remain anonymous. “Based on previous parliamentary experiences, Parliament will pass bills unanimously. The situation does not motivate democracy in the country. This is discouraging not only for current political parties but also for future ones.”

For Bereket Tesfalem, 45, a resident of Kotebe District in Addis Abeba, the loss of the opposition was very disappointing. The situation has gone back to the status of the first and second Parliaments, when bills were passed almost unanimously, he said.

“Personally, I came to the conclusion that it is not worth being involved in politics in Ethiopia,” he said. “I think that is why Hailu Shawel (Eng) AEUP is stepping down.”

Without the opposition and, particularly, the opposition leaders in Parliament, an unexciting five-year period is looming large, he opined. The significant number of seats won by the opposition in 2005 had helped the ruling party see its disconnection with the people and really worked out well, as far as connecting with society, which he sees as a positive influence of the presence of those parties.

“Now our party is going to lose this [benefit]” said Bereket, the trucker and EPRDF supporter.

He likened the outcome of the current elections to his broken marriage.

“I myself suffered a lot when my wife and I got divorced, because I could not manage to handle my boys alone when she left,” he said. “I felt the pain of losing her. I think the EPRDF will feel the same about the opposition parties.”

Parliament has always been dominated by the EPRDF. When it came to voting on any issue, it hardly made any difference whether the opposition voted or not. The incumbent had a clear majority to pass whatever bill it wanted, no matter the issue.

But the third Parliament experienced more intense opposition involvement during debates on any issue. It was what Temesgen Zewdie (MP, Medrek), who lost his seat in the latest election called “a glimpse of a multiparty system.”

“Even if there were time constraints on the opposition, we tried to send the message accordingly,” he said. “Now the multiparty system is totally destroyed; we do not have any chance to raise and discuss economic, development, and social issues.”

This loss, particularly of the major opposition leaders, is feared will make Parliament just “a chamber of the EPRDF” where bills will be passed “without critical assessment.” Temesgen fears that dictatorship and not democracy will be in charge over the next five years.

Parliament has now lost its major opposition political figures, and the house will be the chamber of the EPRDF instead of being a debate stage where people’s voices are heard, Anteneh Ermias, 20, a second year Social Science student at Hawassa University agreed.

The third Parliament was good because it incorporated many parties, but now it is going backward and the house will be just like the previous two parliamentary sessions where bills were adopted without critical assessment, Tadesse Belay, a government employee in Bahir Dar, echoed.

The EPRDF remains upbeat. Parliament will continue to be “as lively as ever,” according to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

“The opposition’s absence will not have an impact on the EPRDF,” said Hailemariam Desalegn, member of the central committee of the EPRDF. “Parliament controls implementing bodies of oversight and legislative functions. It was the EPRDF’s job previously, since it had a majority in Parliament. Parliament has received alternative views from different political parties and will continue to do so.”

It would have been good if the opposition had a significant number of seats, although that will not change the final outcome of decisions, Hailemariam said.

“We won more than we expected to win,” he admitted, however.

Tewodros Tamene, 38, is a taxi driver in Adama, who used to watch the televised parliamentary sessions every Sunday, on ETV.

“I do not see the point of watching anymore,” he said.

The EPRDF will be getting no second opinions on whatever they do in Parliament, he said with the same tone of concern as the others.

The second political scientist appreciated the Prime Minister’s offer to consult the opposition on national issues. However, the parliamentary structure will not allow it, he fears. That may have been caused by excessive campaigning by the incumbent, he surmised.

 

Daniel Kifle from Adama (Nazareth), Maazagenet Aschale from Bahir Dar, and Abenet Aseffa from Hawassa contributed to this story.

 
 
 
   
 
 
 

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