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Ronald
Reagan, the 40th president of the United States, was known
to have a suspicious bend on a government's place in
society. He once famously said, "Government is not a
solution to our problem; government is our problem."
In his
televised address on the eve of the presidential election in
November 1980, Reagan said, "I believe we can embark on a
new age of reform in this country and an era of national
renewal. An era that will reorder the relationship between
citizens and government; that will make the government again
responsive to people; that will revitalise the values of
family, work, and neighbourhood; and that will restore our
private and independent social institutions. These
institutions have always served as both buffer and bridge
between individuals and the state and these institutions,
not government, are the real source of our economic and
social progress as a people."
The
speech was made to portray the vision that the United States
had to dream about its national renewal, standards of
decency and excellence, as well as peace, freedom, and
self-worth.
The
themes of the speech are equally applicable to poor
countries such as Ethiopia, where lack of resilient
institutions had remained to be the chief evil behind the
curtain of poverty, lack of good governance, economic
underdevelopment, along with a short supply in government
transparency.
The
problem gets more severe in countries of Sub-Saharan Africa,
where poverty, drought, political instability and factional
wars have continually been destroying institutions. As
depicted in Reagan's speech, institutions are the founding
rocks of inclusive socioeconomic development; it would be
appropriate to give due concern for their establishment,
development, independence, integrity, and legitimacy.
Yet, the
reverse is being seen in Ethiopia despite the many reforms
that the incumbent has been implementing. The basic social
institutions, as sociologists say, including politics,
education, family, and religion are witnessing their lowest
ever in integrity.
As the
elections draw nearer and campaigns gain speed, it is now
opportune to deliberate on the spoilage of the nation's
institutions, though it seems that none of the political
parties have taken the issue seriously.
If at
all, they are taking it as a follow up to their prior
"political" agenda, whatsoever they claim that to be.
Political
institutions, as one of the basic social institutions,
comprise of structures that are direct actors in the
governance of the people. Aside from the visible structure
of government, in its modern sense, however, these
institutions include indigenous organisations of resource
allocation, conflict resolution, voicing dissent, community
mobilisation and intergenerational power transfer.
Ever
since the time of the military government, these
institutions have been threatened by the ever growing size
of formal government structures. Some of them have even lost
their operational space due to the pervasiveness of the
Ethiopian state. Had the formal institutional structures
been able to embrace the role of these community
organisations, the problem would have been managed.
Yet, the
growth of the state did not fill the void at all. Hence, the
choice left to communities, especially rural communities, is
to either join the formal political structures or live with
the vices of "collective insecurity."
Despite
the change from a socialist to a democratic Ethiopia, the
insufficient attention given to community organisations has
continued. The partisan politics of the nation, introduced
after 1991, is also tied up with hatred, patrimony, the
blamegame and senseless categorisation. This has caused
people to shy away from it. In a nation of over 70 million,
having a couple of million members would not matter for a
registered political party to uplift a certain political
cause.
What
about the other tens of millions of Ethiopians? Are they not
concerned about politics? They are equally concerned. But
they may prefer to do it in their own way. They also prefer
their own institutional arrangement to do so than the formal
partisan structures. What the formal structure has failed to
do is to recognise that its role is to incubate "their own
way of doing things." Sadly, though, this structure is
smashing even the few remaining ones.
Education
has also observed a significant decline in quality since
1991. The responsible institutions have failed to produce
individuals with able thought processes, even though they
pass tests. Innovation has given way to cheating and
plagiarism. Schools have become places of producing gangs of
functionally illiterate and unemployable youth.
Adapted
curriculums are producing westernised graduates poor in
contextualising their theoretical knowledge to their
practical situations. The focus of sectoral institutions on
quantitative achievements has pushed away qualitative
values. Hence, the shelves of these institutions are filled
with reports on statistics, numbers of students, schools,
and teachers.
The
operational flexibility of the educational institutions is
so poor that a little change in working procedures is seen
to cause chaos in their overall operations. The injection of
politics in their veins has also threatened their academic
space and professional integrity. Hence, education, as one
of the fundamental social institutions, has failed to
contribute to the overall socioeconomic progress as was
expected.
This, in
turn, has left Ethiopians vulnerable to the decisions of
the opportune elite.
Religion,
another founding social institution, has also become
marginalised and delegitimised. The religious institutions
have failed to transform themselves inline with the
socioeconomic and politico-cultural progress of the
populace. They have rather limited themselves to the sphere
of "divine services."
Similar
to the political institutions, they are also filled with
hatred, conflict, internal rifts, customary prohibitions,
hierarchical relationships, gender biases and complex
bureaucracy. As a result, they rarely teach their
congregation about work ethics, love, and self-worth. The
ever growing Ethiopian state has also marginalised religious
institutions from the sphere of politics and economics.
Nevertheless, partisan politics has also gotten into
religious institutions in a unique and untraceable way. This
might be one of the reasons for the growing internal rift
within the different religious institutions and their
continued marginalisation from the important spheres of
life.
Despite
being one of the bases of the society and nation, family has
also attained little attention in policymaking after 1991.
The time being allocated for deliberating on family issues
has also declined. What is more worrisome is the
ever-growing frustration of the youth towards family.
Low
income, unemployment, inflation, increasing prices of
assets, high income inequality, and bad family experiences
are all pushing the youth away from the family unit. In era
of HIV and AIDS, it would have been proper for the
government to provide economic incentives for the youth to
establish families. Laws, regulations, and awareness
programmes should have been instituted to smooth out the
relationship between parents and children.
Political
and religious leaders should also carry the flag of
"harmonious families" everywhere they go. What is seen is
the reverse. Family destruction has outweighed family
construction, tarnishing the image of the "family" in the
minds of the coming generation.
Quoting
Thomas Paine, Ronald Reagan highlighted in his remarks to
the annual convention of the National Association of
Evangelicals in 1983 that, "We have it within our power to
begin the world over again."
It is
within reach to restructure and transform the social
institutions should they be given priority in every
deliberation. It is possible to change the situation that
people are living in.
The
political parties taking part in the upcoming national
election also have to take the issues upfront. Failing to do
so may force the nation to continue to run for nothing,
holding nothing.
Should
not the nation spare its scarce resources on something
worthy, though?
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